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An earlier, sprawling presidential decree had the same problem. It stretched from the important (labour-market deregulation) to the minor (allowing banks to charge more interest on credit-card debt). On March 14th the decree was voted down in the Senate. That deepened worries that Mr Milei is politically vulnerable, though the decree will remain in force unless the lower chamber also votes against it. His labour reforms and attempts to defang unions are also tied up in the courts.

Mr Milei has made simple errors, too. This month the opposition highlighted a decree, bearing Mr Milei’s signature, that among other things gave him a 48% pay rise—a terrible look for the wielder of a fiscal chainsaw. He said the pay rise was the result of a past president’s decree, rapidly reversed it and fired his labour secretary.

In the next 100 days the politics and economics will entwine. The government wants at least one percentage point of fiscal consolidation to come from reinstating income taxes and other tax reforms. The pension formula also urgently needs updating. All this requires congressional approval. Mr Milei also needs successes in Congress to reassure investors that he has enough allies to subdue, or at least survive, future protests and political chaos. He is far from impeachment-proof. “There are so many bombs ticking,” says Sebastián Mazzuca of Johns Hopkins University.

Mr Milei seems to understand this. On March 1st he opened a window for negotiations on a “May Pact”, a set of free-market principles. His interior minister then met the powerful provincial governors, who influence Congress. Many of them seemed mollified. A deal might involve restoring some transfers to the provinces, and reinstating income taxes (which both parties want, but neither wants to be responsible for). In exchange, the president would get some emergency economic powers, pension reform, and mining and energy deregulation. Much else will be parked.